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For example, in a German hiring simulation study, Horvath and Sczesny found that female applicants for high-status positions were perceived as a worse fit for the job when the job title was in its masculine noun form, compared to a masculine-feminine pair. A study by Vervecken et al. Moreover, girls expressed less of a desire to perform said professions in the future. These findings, together with the results of the online processing studies, provide substantial evidence that third person masculine generic nouns and pronouns favour men over women.
However, little is known about the effects of other masculine generics. While the existing research on masculine generics has largely focused on the third person, some languages also use masculine generics in the second person. Polish, like other Slavic languages, marks gender on verbs in the past tense Migdalski, This obligatory gender marking results in masculine generics in the second person singular, such as in the example shown at the beginning of this article.
These second person masculine generics, just as the ones in the third person, raise the question of whether they are interpreted in the way that they are intended—as gender-unspecific—or whether they are associated with men nonetheless.
If the latter is found to be the case, this may give rise to similar concerns as those about third person masculine generics. For example, while third person masculine generics may reduce the visibility of women by making the reader or hearer think of the described referent as male, second person masculine generics may make women feel less addressed than men by statements formulated using second person masculine generics. They found that both men and women performed worse on a math test when the questions addressed them using gender marking that mismatched their own gender.
Similar results were found for reading comprehension and word association tests, though for those tests the effect was not statistically significant for the male participants.
More time spent on the tests, in turn, predicted higher scores. Both men and women agreed more with the statement when they were addressed using masculine marking in the test. These results suggest that masculine marking activates associations with men, which may cause women to see themselves as a less prototypical test taker and to reduce their feelings of self-efficacy. This, in turn, may affect their motivation, which would be reflected through shorter time spent on the tests and through lower scores.
However, the exact process that underlies these effects is not completely clear. What remains unknown is whether these gendered associations are activated during language processing and whether they affect processing speed. The aim of the present self-paced reading experiment was to test the hypothesis that masculine generic second person verbs activate associations with men.
If being addressed using verbs with masculine marking is more difficult to process for female addressees, this would indicate that second person masculine generics are not interpreted as gender-unspecific, but as forms associated with male addressees.
In addition, we included stimuli containing second person verbs with feminine marking. We expected that being addressed using feminine marking would cause significant processing difficulties for men, as feminine marking is never used when addressing men. As such, we were able to compare the effect on men of being addressed using feminine marking with that of women being addressed using masculine marking.
Furthermore, including the condition of men being addressed using feminine marking served to verify whether this type of violation would slow down reading in the first place.
As will be discussed in the following section, there is not much existing research into the processing of mismatches between a linguistic form and the addressee or speaker identity. Because of that, we could not simply assume that men would slow down in reading when addressed using feminine marking.
However, while this idea may be intuitively true, empirical research in support of it is scarce. Many studies in the third person have shown that ungrammatical or infelicitous gender marking does negatively affect reading e. However, in the third-person studies the gender marking mismatch always existed on the level of the text.
By contrast, the referent of second and first person is always deictic Levinson, , meaning that a mismatch only occurs when we consider the addressee or speaker identity. This also means that first or second person gender marking can only be evaluated in terms of pragmatic appropriateness, rather than grammaticality. Previous syntactic analyses of gender marking predict that free, referential uses of gender marking will be evaluated for appropriateness within the broader sociopragmatic context e.
However, it is less clear how the evaluation process would work, and whether and how it would be reflected during reading. It is therefore of interest to investigate cases when the gender marking is considered inappropriate according to the pragmatic conventions in Polish men being addressed using feminine gender marking , as well as those that can be considered pragmatically appropriate, but which require a more extensive consideration of the context women being addressed using masculine marking.
While we are not aware of any reading studies investigating this topic, a number of ERP studies suggest that people are sensitive to mismatches between speaker or addressee identity and the linguistic form used.
The utterances contained a past-tense verb, which, like in Polish, needs to be marked for gender. By contrast, a gender mismatch in the third person resulted in a P effect. This shows that listeners were sensitive to both types of violations, even though they were processed in different ways.
The authors interpreted this finding as indicative of listeners creating predictions regarding grammatical forms based on speaker characteristics. Other studies also suggest that such predictions are made not only with regard to grammatical form, but also based on the semantic content of the utterances.
Additional evidence comes from a study on Mandarin Chinese honorifics by Jiang et al. They found that when participants followed an exchange between two interlocutors, they were sensitive both to a disrespectful use of the Chinese honorific e.
Interestingly, the disrespectful use constitutes a pragmatic violation in Chinese and can only be interpreted as an insult or a mistake when it occurs. The over-respectful use, on the other hand, is considered atypical, but not always inappropriate.
These two types of mismatches were found to elicit different ERP effects in the listeners. Only the disrespectful honorifics elicited an early effect the N On the other hand, both types of mismatches elicited late effects—either a late positivity effect when the pronoun was over-respectful or a late negativity effect when the pronoun was disrespectful.
The authors relate the late positivity effect to that of non-literal language processing re-interpreting the over-respectful pronoun as constituting a joke or irony , and the late negativity effect to the mental revision or replacement of the disrespectful pronoun with the respectful one, after coming to the conclusion that its use was most likely a mistake.
It should be noted that while there are undoubtedly differences between honorifics and gender marking, multiple parallels have been drawn between them. Conrod used syntactic, sociolinguistic, and pragmatic data to analyse English third person singular pronouns.
They argued that gender marking that reflects social, rather than grammatical, gender behaves similarly to honorifics in several ways. Both are encoded in functional, rather than lexical, categories and are subject to syntactic processes such as Agree. At the same time, when used referentially, both can only be evaluated based on appropriateness, by taking into account the sociopragmatic context, rather than based on truth conditions. Both can also be dynamically constructed, such that different gender or honorific marking can be used to refer to the same person depending on the context.
While these characteristics have more commonly been acknowledged in the study of honorifics rather than gender, Conrod showed that analysing variation in English third-person pronouns with these characteristics in mind explains much of the sociopragmatic variation in natural language use.
Therefore, the findings from the study on honorifics are perhaps more relevant to the current study than would have previously been assumed. Together, the ERP studies show that people are sensitive to not only pragmatic violations in the first and second person, but also to language that is merely unexpected or atypical, such as stereotype-incongruent semantic content or over-respectful honorific use.
Women being addressed using masculine marking in Polish may also fall under the latter category, since the default way to address women, and the only acceptable way in many situations, is by using feminine marking.
However, while the previous findings back up our predictions to some extent, there are several factors that prevent us from assuming that the same result pattern will be found in the present study. None of the previous studies were concerned with gender marking in the second person, and in none of them was the participant the target of the pragmatic violation. Perhaps the largest difference between the previous studies and the current one is in the methodology.
ERP findings have often been replicated with reading-time methods and vice versa Mitchell, , for example in studies on the processing of non-literal language e.
However, it is not always the case that a process that requires more neural processing resources as indicated by ERPs also requires more time Coulson, This does not necessarily mean that ERPs are a more sensitive method—as van Berkum argues, there are methodological challenges specific to the ERP method which can cause an existing effect to not be detected. It does, however, reflect the fact that due to the specificities and intricacies of different online language processing methods, we cannot assume that an effect found using one method will also appear when using another method.
This is also a reason why we believe that our choice of a self-paced reading method offers a valuable contribution to the body of research comprising the studies mentioned above, as applying different methods to related research questions can help to clarify the nature and ubiquity of certain effects. Furthermore, compared to ERPs, self-paced reading is a simpler and cheaper method.
If we find that effects similar to the one hypothesised in this study are sensitive to the self-paced reading method, it may allow more researchers, who may not have the resources to conduct ERP studies, to contribute to this field. Of course, we are also aware of the advantages that ERPs offer, especially with regards to providing insights into the nature and timing of an effect van Berkum, However, for research questions that are primarily concerned with whether an effect is present such as in the current study , self-paced reading could be an attractive option.
A self-paced reading experiment was conducted in order to answer this question. Participants were shown three-sentence stories, such as the one in 4. Once you checked the transport to the airport, you want to say goodbye to your family. But in that moment, your grandmother starts to pack food into your suitcase. The first verb of the second sentence e.
We hypothesised that both men and women would read the verbs with gender marking mismatching their own gender more slowly than the gerund verbs with no gender marking. However, we expected that the increase in reading time would be larger for men, as using feminine marking to address men would be very unexpected, since it constitutes a pragmatic violation.
By contrast, the use of masculine marking in the context of the experiment does not constitute a pragmatic violation, as it is only a violation if the only possible addressees of the text are female. The participants, however, had no reason to believe that this was the case. In total, 88 participants 34 men were tested in the self-paced reading experiment.
They were recruited through various means, such as personal contacts, university mailing lists, or posters. The participation requirements were that the participant was a native Polish speaker, did not have dyslexia or other reading problems, and was between 18 and 40 years old. The experiment consisted of 48 stimuli, each in three versions. Each stimulus consisted of three sentences.
It introduced a certain event that the participant was asked to imagine themselves to be taking part in. The critical verb was followed by a noun, which in the experimental versions had accusative case marking, while in the control versions it had genitive case marking. The verb and the noun following it were always the same length in the masculine and the feminine form, and most of the time also in the gerund form. When the length differed in the gerund form it was by one or two characters, and most of the time the gerund form was the longer one.
The beginning of the second sentence of an example stimulus in versions with feminine, masculine, and no gender marking.
The stimuli were pre-tested in order to ensure that the described scenarios do not evoke gender stereotypes. We initially created 62 stimuli out of which 48 stimuli with the most gender-neutral ratings were selected based on the pre-test that was conducted through a Qualtrics www. The control versions of the stimuli were re-written in the first person, and the respondents were told that each of the stories was told by a different person.
Their task was to indicate on a 7-point scale how likely they thought it was that each story was told by a man or a woman. Scale direction was counterbalanced and the male and female respondents were equally distributed between the two versions.
All data were coded so that 1 corresponded to the most feminine rating, and 7 to the most masculine rating. The mean rating of the 62 items was 3. The final sample had a mean rating of 4 and a standard deviation of 0. In addition to the 48 stimuli, 48 fillers were created. Eighteen of those fillers were also second-person narratives asking the participant to imagine themselves as a protagonist in a certain scenario. However, unlike in the stimuli, the unexpected action in the fillers was described in the second instead of the third sentence.
In the stimuli, the second sentence contained the crucial verb. This introduced the risk that the participants might learn that the second sentence was not that crucial to the story and might read it less carefully. For this reason, in the eighteen fillers, the second sentence was the one that contained an unexpected event.
The remaining 36 fillers also asked the participant to imagine something, but only from the point of view of an observer rather than an actor. The role of these fillers was to allow the participants to take a break from imagining themselves doing something. One quarter of stimuli was followed by a comprehension task in order to ensure careful reading. Participants had to indicate whether a presented statement about a stimulus they had just read was correct or incorrect.
Additionally, after another quarter of the stimuli, participants had to complete an image task. A pair of images related to the content of the previous text were shown on the screen. An example of such an image pair can be seen in Fig.
The task of the participant was to choose the image that reflected more accurately what they imagined while reading that text. The main goal of the image task was to mimic real-world contexts of being addressed, where there is usually a purpose to addressing someone. The task was also thought to increase the chances that the participant did what the stimuli texts asked them to do—imagine themselves as the protagonist or, in other words, self-ascribe the second person reference.
An example of a pair of images shown after a stimulus in the self-paced reading experiment. The reason for this is that if women are addressed using masculine marking after having been addressed using feminine marking, the use of the masculine marking may not be interpreted as gender-unspecific anymore.
This is in line with a study by Gygax and Gabriel that found that more male bias was associated with masculine role nouns in French e. As the aim of this study is to investigate whether women experience a processing cost even when the use of masculine gender marking is used in a gender-unspecific way , it is important that the masculine marking is interpreted as such.
By contrast, feminine gender marking can never be interpreted as gender-unspecific, so men should interpret it as inappropriate regardless of whether it is preceded by items with masculine marking or not. Four lists of stimuli were created. Each list had a different set of 12 stimuli in the versions with and without gender marking in each block.
An equal number of male and female participants was assigned to each list. The order of items within blocks was pseudorandomized. For both the stimuli and the fillers, the first sentence was presented all at once, and the rest of the text was presented one word at a time. A centred, non-cumulative display was used. Stimuli were presented in a Deja Vu Sans Mono size 32 font, in white on a black background.
Trials were separated by a fixation cross which stayed on the screen for ms before the participant could proceed. A button box was used to collect responses. Participants were tested individually. Before beginning the experiment, they gave signed consent, were given written as well as verbal instructions in Polish, and shown an example trial. Next, they were presented with three practice items to go through on their own. There were three breaks during the experiment.
A longer break took place in between the first and the second block. Additionally, two shorter breaks were scheduled halfway through each block. The exit questionnaire collected demographic data, as well as asked the participant to guess the purpose of the experiment.
On average, the experiment took 50 minutes. The data of six participants were excluded from the analysis. One participant was excluded because they were not a native Polish speaker. Another one was given a faulty version of the stimulus file. The majority 68 of the participants were students. Most of those who were not students 10 had completed higher education. None of the participants guessed the purpose of the experiment.
Before performing the analysis, all data points reflecting reading times on the verb or noun shorter than ms or longer than ms were removed.
Responses quicker than ms in self-paced reading experiments are most likely caused by unintentional button presses Jegerski, The removal of extreme data points resulted in the loss of 0.
The remaining data were log-transformed in order to achieve a normal distribution of the data. Block, gender marking, participant gender, as well as their interactions were entered as fixed effects. The levels of the factors were coded using sum contrasts. Participant and item were entered as random effects. The full random structure permitted by the design was initially used, but this resulted in the model failing to converge. The model was simplified by suppressing the correlation parameters, and then gradually removing the smallest variance components until the model successfully converged.
As a result, the random slopes that were used in the final models were block as a random slope for participant, and, only in the noun model, the interaction between gender marking and participant gender as a random slope for item. In other words, the increase in reading speed between block 1 and block 2 was larger for the female participants, who went from being addressed with the gender marking that mismatches their gender in block 1, to the gender marking that matches their gender in block 2.
For the male participants, for whom the change was in the opposite direction matching gender marking to mismatching gender marking , the increase in reading speed between block 1 and block 2 was not as large. This interaction showed that the effect of gender marking was different for men and women across blocks.
Figure 2 shows the mean reading times across conditions, which helps us to understand this interaction effect. We can see that while there was an overall effect of verbs with gender marking being read faster than verbs without gender marking the main effect , this effect was more pronounced when the gender marking matched the participant gender, so in block 1 for men, and in block 2 for women.
While we predicted a three-way interaction to occur, it is of a different nature than was predicted by the hypothesis. We had hypothesised that verbs with gender marking mismatching the participant gender would be read slower than the control verbs with no gender marking. However, as we can see in Fig. Instead, there is a difference between the control verbs and the verbs with gender marking matching the participant gender—the latter were read quicker. What can also be seen from the bar plot in Fig.
Mean reading time of verbs with and without gender marking across conditions. It shows that, on average, there was a tendency for the nouns following verbs with masculine marking block 1 to be read faster, and the nouns following verbs with feminine marking block 2 to be read slower, than the nouns following the control verbs.
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